BEAUTY IS a defining feature of the South Korean identity today. Indeed, it is everywhere one’s eyes can behold—from the expansion of K-beauty products to infamously strict beauty standards, and even the prevalence of plastic surgery. Beauty in Korea—its varied definitions, the origins of its prominence, and the changes it has surmounted—hence becomes an insightful lens through which to explore the sociocultural atmospheres of its historical periods. 

What is beauty?

   Despite the widespread presence of beauty-related content in South Korea and around the world, most of our understanding of the term remains impressionistic. A general dictionary definition defines beauty as “the quality of being pleasing and attractive, especially to look at[1].” While this explanation indicates that beauty is derived from our visual senses, it does not address what qualities constitute such aesthetic pleasantries. Given its simple perceptibility but complex conceptualization, beauty has been an ongoing topic of discussion for centuries. The most common debate centers around whether beauty stems from subjectivity or objectivity.  

   The subjective perspective on beauty is promoted by those who argue that beauty is in the eye of the beholder. English philosopher David Hume asserted, “Beauty is no quality in things themselves: It exists merely in the mind which contemplates them; and each mind perceives a different beauty[2].” Conversely, counterparts of the subjective point of view adopt a more “scientific” approach. Objectivists argue that evolutionary research can indicate universally attractive features and the proportions of a beautiful person. The Renaissance’s idea of perfect proportions—also known as the classical conception of beauty—exemplifies this thought current. According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Renaissance objectivists believed that beauty consisted of the “...arrangement of integral parts into a coherent whole, according to proportion, harmony, symmetry, and similar notions[2].” 

   South Korea has adapted both notions—the subjective and the objective—throughout its history. Beauty’s definition rests in polarity and has held substantial presence in shaping the sociocultural atmosphere of the country. The exploration and acknowledgement of beauty as more than mere superficiality is an insightful lens through which to learn about the representative desires, needs, and afflictions of South Koreans across different historical periods. 

The wise mother and good wife, the New Woman, and the Factory Girl

   Being deemed beautiful is not always dependent on looks, and this was certainly true for women in Korea’s Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). During this period, beauty was not as much an external concern, but a matter of a woman’s inner virtues[3]. In the male-dominated Neo-Confucian society[4] of the time, the image of a wise mother and good wife, or, in Korean, hyeon mo yang cho, was idealized. According to Elise Hu’s book Flawless: Lessons in Looks and Culture from the K-Beauty Capital, “For women, beauty was equated to being dutiful to your elders, serving your husband, and spending time with your children[4].” Such a beauty standard reveals a culture in which women’s value mostly relied on abiding by Confucian expectations. 

   While following such behavioral codes was often a measure of beauty, this does not absolve ideals for physical attributes. As the beauty standards at the time were vastly influenced by the Confucian system, there was an emphasis on a pure and natural look; women’s bodies needed to reflect “purity.” A fair complexion devoid of any blemishes—considered as disruptions to the “original” state of the body—were preferred[5]. The “three whites” (sam-baek), “three blacks” (sam-heuk), and “three reds” (sam-hong) are further details in this criterion. The most beautiful women possessed white skin, teeth, and sclera; black pupils, eyebrows, and hair; red cheeks, lips, and fingernails[3]. The emphasis on a natural look led middle and higher-class women to wear minimal makeup and keep their hair long. In turn, heavier makeup was only considered apt for lower-class gi-saeng women, who were Korean entertainers akin the Japanese geishas[4]. 

   Following the Japanese colonization of Korea in 1910, and subsequent independence in 1945, Korean women’s relationship with beauty was highly impacted. The “New Woman” aesthetic was popularized under a new economic system brought about by Japanese rule. The evolving beauty standard demonstrated a strive towards modernity as Korean women began to claim ownership over their femininity and rebel against the patriarchal ways of the nation’s Joseon past. 

   The defining characteristic of these New Women was their defiance to expected gender roles through their appearance. Instead of the traditional long skirt chi-ma and blouse jeo-go-ri, the new women wore “raised skirts exposing their knees,” high heels, and bobbed hair[4]. These women “...flipped their bobbed hair in a manner that hinted at a subtle masculinity with an air of sexual permissiveness[4].” The beauty standard and the motivations behind it, as well as the intense societal disproval it permeated, indicate the effects of a new modern economic system. 

   More interpretations of beauty as a means of resistance ensued. A Western influence descended on Korean women’s beauty standards following the Korean War in 1950, giving rise to the “Factory Girl”, or yeo-gong. Amidst South Korea’s industrialization, in 1973, the Park Chung-hee regime imposed several restrictions to the citizens’ dress. Among them was a ban on women wearing skirts shorter than 17 cm above the knee[5]. Such regulations caused women to have limited opportunities for self-expression, for it was considered a hinderance in achieving national development[5]. 

   Despite this, the Factory Girls stood in defiance of the gender expectations of their period. These women adopted highly feminine elements of  Western beauty culture, such as lipstick in intense hues, perfumes, and lavish fabrics like velvet[5]. Such displays of femininity not only contrasted with the modest and restrictive style enforced by the government, but enabled these women to cultivate a sense of modernity and freedom[5]. 

Modern Korea: The malady of lookism or a matter of survival?

   Beauty standards throughout the Joseon Dynasty, the Japanese colonial rule of Korea, and the industrialization of South Korea have heavily reflected the societal needs and desires of the times—whether imposed or voluntary. What these various beauty standards also reveal is a stark contrast from the criteria for South Korean beauty today, that includes ten-step skincare routines, plastic surgery, and an overall obsession with reaching perfection. In recent years, South Korea has received much global attention for its ever-expanding  commercialization of beauty. The country has the highest rate of plastic surgery per capita[6], with one in five women in Korea having gone under the knife[8], and is the world’s largest spender on luxury goods per capita[7].

   While this changed landscape of beauty does indicate materialistic tendencies, it might be unfair to limit the discussion by simply labeling current beauty standards as “superficial.” An exploration of South Korea’s obsession with beauty reveals an existing tension between the modern anxieties of achieving professional success and “the unrelenting pressure to look and behave like everyone else[5].” 

   The idea of improving one’s looks as a means of transitioning to modernity was introduced to Korea during the Japanese colonization. The discussion of plastic surgery in elite Japanese newspapers during the late 19th century alludes to such ideas. With ambitions to become a world superpower, Japan felt pressured to meet Western beauty standards. Influenced by such discourse from the Japanese, the Korean elites began to view plastic surgery as a facilitator for their nation’s independence. As Sharon Lee (Assistant Prof., of Social and Cultural Analysis at New York University) stated in an interview with the Asia Experts Forum, “The Japanese were thinking about themselves and their physical bodies in comparison to Westerners while Koreans were thinking about their bodies in relation to the Japanese[6].” 

   Thereafter, events driven by fierce competition in the South Korean job market enabled the permeation of a culture of oe mo ji sang ju ui, or lookism in English. Job applications often require photographs of the candidates attached. Efforts of the country’s National Assembly to ban photographs, as it is believed to perpetuate lookism, have not been successful, for employers argue the importance of appearance in the workplace[8]. During the 1997 International Monetary Fund (IMF) Crisis[9], when unemployment substantially and continuously increased for over three years[10], Korea saw a surgery boom[11]. Thereafter, in 2009, the term Hell Joseon was popularized by netizens[3]. Hell Joseon alluded to the parallels between the strict hierarchies and inescapable poverty during the Joseon Dynasty and modern South Korea, giving rise to the commercialization of beauty. 

   Such a hellish landscape created a culture where beauty became a tool to “get ahead,” giving rise to the Doen-jang Nyeo, or Soybean Paste Girl. Doen-jang is a fermented soybean paste which can be added to make cheap stews. Thus, Doen-jang Nyeo is a term that refers to a vain and materialistic woman who would rather spend her money on luxury items or plastic surgery than on basic needs, such as a proper diet. Although a derisive moniker, the Doen-jang Nyeo, much like the New Woman and the Factory Girl, signifies women utilizing the expression of their beauty and femininity as more than a tool for vanity. What makes the Doen-jang Nyeo stand out is her “...economically rational choices to turn herself into an investment opportunity”—hence leading towards the economically successful future she desires[5]. That is, in a country with prevailing remnants of the Joseon Dynasty’s rigid class hierarchies, the Doen-jang Nyeo challenges these structures by positioning herself in whatever social category she desires through the ownership of her beauty.

Is beauty all but a commodity in “hypermodern” Korea?

   The Doen-jang Nyeo’s utilization of beauty gives rise to the question of whether beauty fully remains a commodity in Korea or not. Scholars have commented on South Korea’s relationship with beauty as being in an “unapologetic state of hypermodernity” in which one can “mix and match his or herself, like an avatar[5].” It has expedited a “growing self-commodification” amongst South Koreans, who have transitioned from seeing their bodies and features as something to maintain to something they should modify[5]. 

   Strict beauty standards and their even stricter upholding allude to the growing commodification of beauty in South Korea. Plastic surgeons have an almost formulaic approach to reconstructing their patients’ faces to achieve an “ae-gyo look.” According to Hu, such a face comprises an upper part of the face (forehead, eyes, and nose) that appears bigger than the lower half, has large eyes, a pointy nose with a slightly raised nasal bridge, and a jawline that forms a “V-line[5].” Other alphabet letters are used to describe the ideal shape of women’s body parts. The “S-line” dictates women’s bodies should show prominent breasts and bottom from a side-view. The “X-line” describes an hourglass figure. The ideal breasts form the shape of a “W,” and the sought after decolletage and lower back make a “Y” shape[5]. 

   The easy accessibility to attain such precise measures of beauty indicate the normalization of going “under the knife.” Indeed, many Koreans view plastic surgery as conventional and an extension of makeup[12]. This has resulted in dermatology and cosmetic surgery clinics being “framed like hair salons[5];” people alter their appearances as often as one would get a haircut. In Seoul, the Gangnam district is often referred to as the “improvement quarter[5].” Out of 1,008 plastic surgery clinics nationwide, 538 are in Seoul, and among these, 400 are in Gangnam-gu, accounting for 74.3% of plastic surgery clinics in Seoul[13]. 

   Additionally, the rise of social media and its advanced algorithms have exacerbated the commodification of beauty by determining the slimness of one’s body as a crucial element towards success. K-pop idols usually maintain excessively thin frames, popularizing trends such as “thin-spiration,” “thinspo,” and “pro-ana[5].” Followers of the latter, for instance, are often in favor of eating disorders and discuss that the ideal weight range for a 165 cm tall woman is a shocking 35 to 40 kg[7]. Achieving a K-pop idol-esque body through extreme exercise routines paired with starvation is a common topic in online discourse. South Korean teenage girls, who are easily exposed to social media and believe that the thinness of their bodies is a way to be ahead of their peers[7], are most vulnerable to developing harmful relationships with their weight and body image. The effects of these circulating standards are alarming: the number of patients in South Korea hospitalized for anorexia nervosa has increased by 30% from 2017 to 2021. During this time frame, excluding seniors in their 70s and above, the largest demographic treated for anorexia was teenage females[7]. The anxieties even affect K-pop idols themselves. In 2021, K-pop star IU revealed her struggles with eating disorders, commenting that she fell victim to binge eating and bulimia due to anxieties about success in her career[14]. 

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   In a country where the pressure to be beautiful prevails, the evolution of beauty becomes important for gaining a more nuanced understanding of the country’s history. Beauty standards and their changes mark distinct sociocultural periods. The wise mother and good wife, the New Woman, the Factory Girl, and the Doen-jang Nyeo, among others, are all crucial identifiers that appeared to cater to the needs of their respective societies. Whether imposed, subjected to derision, or a matter of personal choice, beauty standards have evolved dramatically in Korean society, revealing the dynamism of Korean women as they style life on their own terms through their expressions of beauty.

[1] Cambridge Dictionary 

[2] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

[3] Asia Society

[4] The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea

[5] Flawless: Lessons in Looks and Culture from the K-Beauty Capital

[6] Asia Experts Forum 

[7] Korea JoongAng Daily 

[8] Los Angeles Times

[9] 1997 International Monetary Fund (IMF) Crisis: Financial crisis due to the bankruptcy of Korean industrial conglomerates as well as foreign exchange instability in several Asian countries

[10] International Monetary Fund 

[11] The Atlantic

[12] Huffington Post

[13] Medi:Gate News

[14] South China Morning Post